“There’s
more money than ever before, and more people online, and you can’t go on the
Internet without running into one of these things. Social media is for people
to have their own conversations, but these groups have their own money and
until we have some kind of campaign finance reform that sticks, we are going to
see more and more of these kinds of campaigns.”
--
Bill Allison, editorial director at the Sunlight Foundation, a nonpartisan
group that advocates for government transparency
Well
known is the fact that people have an overwhelming desire to believe in
something. The few who become the focal point of such desire offer the many a
cause, a new faith to follow. They few keep their words vague but full of
promise; they emphasize enthusiasm over rationality and clear thinking. They
give their new disciples rituals to perform and ask them to make sacrifices on
their behalf. Humans are motivated to
quell the potential for terror inherent in the human awareness of vulnerability
and mortality by investing in cultural belief systems (or worldviews) that
imbue life with meaning, and the individuals who subscribe to them with
significance (or self-esteem).
Terror
Management Theory (TMT) attempts to explain this reality and has generated empirical
research into not just the nature of self-esteem motivation and prejudice, but
also a host of other forms of human social behavior. To date, over 300 studies
conducted in over a dozen countries have explored such topics as aggression,
stereotyping, needs for structure and meaning, depression and psychopathology
(e.g., phobias), political preferences, creativity, sexuality and attraction,
romantic and interpersonal attachment, self-awareness, unconscious cognition,
martyrdom, religion, group identification, disgust, human-nature relations,
physical health, risk taking, and legal judgments.
Terror Management
Theory was proposed in 1986 by social psychologists Jeff Greenberg, Tom Pyszcynski, and Sheldon Solomon. The theory was inspired by the writings of cultural
anthropologist, Ernest Becker, (wrote “Denial of Death”), and was initiated by two relatively simple
questions:
1) Why do people have
such a great need to feel good about themselves?
2) Why do people have
so much trouble getting along with those different from themselves?
Most empirical research for TMT relies on two hypotheses. First, the
mortality salience hypothesis centers on the idea that if a psychological
structure protects against mortality concerns, reminding people of death should
increase their reliance on the structure. Secondly, the anxiety buffer
hypothesis explains that strengthening this structure should reduce anxiety in response
to mortality salience. Both of these concepts hinge on the presence of self-esteem, which
enables individuals to feel they play an important role within these
psychological structures. In 1992, this link with self-esteem was tested on
college students who participated by reacting to short video clips, after which
the experimenters provided them with personality assessments. The assessments
presented either a positive or neutral evaluation, and students later completed
the “Rosenberg Self Esteem Scale” to assure self esteem had been raised.
Students were then made aware of their own mortality by watching a video of an
autopsy and electrocution, and as expected, those students who had received
neutral personality evaluations reported higher levels of anxiety. This
experiment supported the idea that self-esteem reduces anxiety as individuals
believe they are a vital part of their own worldview.
In today’s world, terror management has played
out with events like September 11th. Pyszczynski suggests that TMT could
explain why people have trouble interacting with people from different
cultures or political ideologies or religions. They explain that if culture serves as a death-denying function, then
the existence of the people who are culturally different undermines our own
defense against the fear of death. In this sense, people feel they must be able
to rely on their own personal worldview. It is this very worldview that, “From
a TMT perspective it shields individuals from fears surrounding death by
enabling them to view themselves as valuable members of an eternal cultural
reality that exists beyond the point of their own physical death” (Pyszczynski
et al., 1999).
In light of the vitriolic nature of the 2012
presidential campaign and the role the media plays in its heightening, consider the
ads that have been paid for and approved of by both camps. Ads from the Obama
and Romney campaigns and their allies are usually targeted at television
viewers in battleground states. Most of them end up online, where anyone can
watch and share them. They've included a Romney ad accusing Obama of gutting
the federal welfare-to-work program, to which the Obama campaign responded with an ad that called it "blatantly false."
Another of Obama's
most popular ads online is one that attacks Romney's running mate, Rep. Paul
Ryan of Wisconsin, for his plans to cut entitlement programs. A Romney ad that
has gotten a lot of hits lately is one that accuses the president of declaring
war on religion.
But the steelworker
and job-creation ads stand out because they represent the more nefarious aspect
of the trend: they aren’t truthful, and they aren’t directly connected to the
candidates themselves -- even though Obama and Romney have run their own ads
accusing each other of dirty campaigning.
The steel worker
spot, titled, "Understands," was made by a pro-Obama group called
Priorities USA Action and it features Joe Soptic, who was laid off from a
company owned by Bain Capital, the venture firm co-founded by Romney. Soptic
tells the story about his wife dying from cancer after losing health benefits,
making it seem as if the loss of his job had something to do with it. But as
many fact-checking organizations have pointed out, the plant was closed in
2001, two years after Romney left Bain.
The job-creation ad,
called “Another Month,” was made by the pro-Romney Restore Our Future. It
splices together video of Obama making jokes and comments like “we tried our
plan and it worked,” which FactCheck.org said “twists his words way out of
context.”
The current political
ads, and the angry response to them by their targets, have raised the level of
vitriol in what is quickly becoming a more negative campaign. The reason is, it
works. Why does it work?
How is TMT evidenced
in not only the ads but the day-to-day interaction voters have with one
another?
Does TMT play a role
in the current divisiveness we see in relationships among friends and family as
they find differences in the values that prompt one to vote for a different
candidate than another?
How can we manage
such vitriol, if it can be managed and if it cannot, how can we choose to
remain free from its impact?
Thoughts?
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